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Msg ID: 2723405 The evidence is clear: it’s time to prosecute Donald Trump +2/-0     
Author:TheCrow
3/17/2022 9:11:44 AM

Trump is a liar, a cheat and a thief. He believes himself invulnerable because he is rich and powerfully connected especially in the Trumplican Party f/k/a Republican Party.

America is a country of laws, applicable to all. He has attempted to overthrow an American presidential election, incited a violent mob that attacked the Capital and killed, by politically motivated inaction, almost a million Americans to increase his chances of reelection.

There exists, if nothing else is prosecutable, an audio tape of Trump attempting to corrupt the 2020 election in Georgia. (Do you really believe that was his only attempt?)

 

 

 

On the supposedly difficult question of ‘criminal intent’, prosecutors should have no trouble convincing a jury. Full speed ahead is the only proper course

Former U.S. President Trump holds rally in Florence, South Carolina<br>Former U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during a rally at Florence Regional Airport in Florence, South Carolina, U.S., March 12, 2022. REUTERS/Randall Hill
‘A March 3 New York Times story asserted that building a “criminal case against Mr Trump is very difficult for federal prosecutors”. But no vigilant prosecutor should be deterred.’ Photograph: Randall Hill/Reuters
Wed 16 Mar 2022 06.22 EDT
 

On 8 March, a jury took three hours to render a guilty verdict against Guy Reffitt, a January 6 insurrectionist. Donald Trump could not have been pleased. DC is where Trump would be tried for any crimes relating to his admitted campaign to overturn the election.

Jurors there would have no trouble finding that the evidence satisfies all statutory elements required to convict Trump, including his criminal intent, the most challenging to prove. That is our focus here.

 

A 3 March New York Times story asserted that “[b]uilding a criminal case against Mr Trump is very difficult for federal prosecutors ... given the high burden of proof ... [and] questions about Mr Trump’s mental state”.

 

The clear implication is that justice department leaders may simply be following the path of prudence in hesitating to indict, or even to robustly investigate, Mr Trump. But based on the already public evidence – and there’s undoubtedly lots more that’s not yet public – no vigilant prosecutor would be deterred by the difficulty of convincing a jury about Trump’s state of mind. Full speed ahead is now the only proper course.

The former president is vulnerable to charges of conspiring to defraud the United States, 18 USC §371, and obstructing a congressional proceeding, 18 USC §1512(c)(2).

Regarding §371’s intent requirement, the US supreme court has ruled that conspiracies to defraud the United States include plots entered “for the purpose of impairing, obstructing or defeating the lawful functions of any department of Government” using “deceit, craft or trickery, or ... means that are dishonest”.

The mountain of public evidence would surely lead a jury to reject Trump’s defense that that he honestly believed his own ‘big lie’

The mental state required for §1512 is a “corrupt” intent to obstruct, influence, or impede an official proceeding. In Arthur Andersen v United States, the supreme court said “corrupt” meant “dishonest” or “wrongful, immoral, depraved, or evil”.

The mountain of already public evidence would surely lead a DC jury to reject Trump’s defense that that he honestly believed his own “big lie” that widespread ballot fraud had deprived him of victory, and therefore that his intent was innocent.

First, Trump knew that the 60-plus court cases seeking to overturn the votes in contested states had failed.

 

Second, as the former Michigan US attorney Barbara McQuade has compellingly shown, five of Trump’s top officials told him unequivocally that all the fraud claims were false.

Third, Georgia’s secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, told Trump the same thing during the infamous recorded call in which Trump asked Raffensperger to “find” 11,780 votes, exactly one more than needed to overturn the state’s election.

That call alone screams “corrupt” intent. And the barely veiled way Trump threatened Raffensperger in that call reinforces Trump’s “evil” state of mind.

capitol building behind trees
‘Trump’s speech immediately preceding the Capitol attack included a provable, telling lie.’ Photograph: Emily Elconin/Reuters

Fourth, Trump’s speech immediately preceding the Capitol attack included a provable, telling lie – that he would join the Capitol march with the crowd even though his pre-speech schedule showed no such plan and Trump did nothing of the sort. A properly instructed jury would likely conclude that this lie reflected Trump’s desire to remain far from the violence he had encouraged, giving him both physical safety and plausible deniability and further evidencing a “corrupt” state of mind.

 

Fifth, Trump’s failure for three hours to call off the siege after it began, notwithstanding violent televised images and entreaties from his children, advisers and allies – despite his undoubted duty to “take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed” – was manifestly “depraved”.

Sixth, when Trump belatedly asked the insurrectionists to go home, he called them “patriots” who should “remember this day for ever”. A federal judge wrote in an 18 February opinion that “a reasonable observer could read that tweet as ratifying the violence and other illegal acts that took place that day”.

 
Donald Trump speaks at CPAC in Orlando, Florida, in February.
Likelihood of criminal charges against Trump rising, experts say
 
Seventh, “willful ignorance” of incriminating facts is equivalent to knowledge. Drug couriers cannot escape conviction by having chosen not to ask what was inside the heroin-containing package they were handsomely paid to import. In Trump’s case, his purported belief in election-changing voter fraud was at the very least willfully blind to the facts before him.

Finally, another of Trump’s anticipated “innocent intent” defenses – that he was relying on his lawyer John Eastman – would fail. Eastman has stated that it was on his advice that Trump sought to have Pence reject electoral votes for President Biden or to delay the entire vote.

Even if Trump and Eastman had the requisite attorney-client relationship, which is dubious as a matter of fact, the defense has a gaping hole: under the law, Trump’s reliance must have been “reasonable”.

Far from being reasonable, Eastman’s claim that that Pence was “the ultimate arbiter” of the electoral count was utter “nonsense”. Trump would be unable to produce any lawyer who supported that constitutionally absurd theory and could withstand even amateur cross-examination.

A concluding point. Some observers have expressed fear that a single Trump-supporting juror could “hang” the jury, suggesting that the US attorney general, Merrick Garland, might just deem that risk to be too great to be worth running. But as the BBC’s observer of Guy Reffitt’s trial noted, every juror there saw through the smoke the defendant was blowing. Jurors are instructed to use their common sense, and the jury in Reffitt did just that.

A DC jury would do the same in a trial of the conspiracy’s central actor. Once all the evidence is expeditiously gathered, with or without the special counsel that we recommend, the justice department must indict him.

  • Laurence H Tribe is the Carl M Loeb university professor emeritus of constitutional law at Harvard University. Follow him @tribelaw. Dennis Aftergut is a former federal prosecutor, currently of counsel to Lawyers Defending American Democracy



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Msg ID: 2723406 Is Merrick Garland finally ready to indict Donald Trump? +2/-0     
Author:TheCrow
3/17/2022 9:13:53 AM

Reply to: 2723405

Is Merrick Garland finally ready to indict Donald Trump?

We don’t know for certain, but it appears that Garland’s Justice Department has yet to convene a grand jury to investigate the affair. Were they subpoenaing witnesses before the grand jury, we would have heard something about it from reporters hanging around the court house or from the witnesses’ lawyers.

Justice appears to be riding the coattails of the House select committee, which has served a flurry of subpoenas, and has already referred two recalcitrant witnesses, Stephen Bannon and Mark Meadows, to Justice for criminal prosecution only to see Bannon indicted for a misdemeanor and Meadows so far uncharged some fourscore and seven days after the criminal reference. 

The case against Meadows is a simple one, and the long delay is vexing. It is possible that Justice is using the time to investigate, but this seems unlikely in light of the Doric simplicity of the facts. Meadows refused to testify. Full stop. It is also possible that Justice had decided not to indict Meadows for contempt of Congress; but then, why the silence? If they had let Meadows know he was off the hook, he would have loudly told the press about how he was exonerated. Finally, it is possible that the government and Meadows are crafting a deal, some testimony in exchange for no indictment. Time will certainly tell us the answer.

Garland has vowed to follow the law and the facts wherever they may lead him. But many legal observers have concluded he is timid and overly cautious, fearful that we appear to be a banana republic indicting, and possibly jailing, our former leaders because they are now politically out of favor. Of course, the total answer is that we look like a banana republic if we don’t hold our former leaders accountable for the serious crimes they may have committed, such as sedition, incitement to insurrection or conspiracy to defraud the United States.

Frustrated at the inaction, the redoubtable Harvard Law professor Laurence Tribe has called on Garland to appoint a special counsel. Tribe argues that a special counsel is “the best way to reassure the country that no one is above the law, justice is nonpartisan and fears of political fallout will not determine the decision on whether to bring charges.” Tribe says that such an appointment is “imperative.” 

Appointment of a special counsel would give Garland some political cover, even though a special counsel is not institutionally independent of the Justice Department. Yet, so far, Tribe’s urgent clarion call has fallen on deaf ears.

Trump’s strategy of course is to run out the clock. With the midterm elections less than eight months off, and a widely expected outcome that Republicans will take the House, the select committee investigating Jan. 6 may be on its last legs. 

Yet, as the man said, “it isn’t over ‘til it’s over.” Only recently, there have been unmistakable signs and portents that the inquiry into the events of Jan. 6 may have brought Trump to his “Watergate moment.” The most notable events in recent days are as follows:

  • Earlier this month, the House select committee investigating the Capitol siege alleged in a federal court filing that it had amassed evidence that Trump illegally schemed to stop the lawful transfer of power to President Biden.
  • A D.C. federal jury convicted Guy Reffitt, a member of the far-right militia group the Texas Three Percenters, of obstruction despite claims of First Amendment rights to protest and assemble. Channeling Trump’s possible defenses, Reffitt’s lawyer argued to the jury that "Guy does brag a lot. He embellishes.” The defense arguments did not impress the jury. Legal experts called the conviction just the “tip of the iceberg.”
  • The Justice Department has just obtained an indictment of “Enrique” Tarrio, leader of the Proud Boys. Tarrio stands charged with conspiracy even though he was not at the Capitol itself. The indictment charges that before leaving Washington, Tarrio met with Oath Keepers leader Stewart Rhodes, as well as others. He texted with someone unnamed about “revolution,” and sent a plan called “1776 Returns” that called for the occupation of “crucial buildings” in Washington with “as many people as possible.” Tarrio allegedly agreed with the texter, adding: “I am not playing games.” If convicted, he faces a 20-year prison sentence.

If Reffitt receives a stiff sentence, and Tarrio is convicted, they may be incentivized to “cooperate” with the government as did Oath Keepers member Joshua James, who is cooperating as part of a guilty plea for obstructing an official proceeding of Congress, and for seditious conspiracy culminating in the Jan. 6 attack. Such testimony of co-conspirators could provide evidence supporting broader conspiracy charges against Trump or his closest associates.

  • A federal judge in Washington, D.C. said he would read 111 subpoenaed emails sent by Trump attorney John Eastman between Jan. 4 and Jan. 7 to rule on whether they are protected by the attorney-client privilege. Eastman is a key figure in the plot to get former Vice President Mike Pence to overturn the election.
  • Kimberly Guilfoyle, the strident fiancée of Donald Trump Jr., has been subpoenaed by the select committee on the alleged basis that she was in “direct contact with key individuals, raised funds for the rally preceding the attack, and participated in that event." She broke her promise to appear before the committee for a voluntary interview. Whether a criminal case comes out of Guilfoyle’s possible refusal to testify remains to be seen.
  • Sidney Powell, Trump’s former lawyer and lawyer for convicted Gen. Michael Flynn, is before a Texas court for professional misconduct in connection with her efforts to overturn the 2020 election. According to BuzzFeed, her nonprofit has raised more than $15 million to pay the legal expense of Oath Keepers. The Texas disciplinary proceeding will certainly attract the attention of the Department of Justice.

As the Washington Post concluded in its article reporting the Reffitt verdict: "The notion that Attorney General Merrick Garland is slow-walking charges against Trump or has decided not to go after him is inconsistent with the department’s actions to date. Garland might just be warming up to take on the man whose refusal to accept defeat resulted in the most lethal armed insurrection since the Civil War."

As Trump signaled to the Proud Boys in his September 2020 debate with Biden, “stand back and stand by.” Garland may not be shooting so many blanks as his critics claim.

James D. Zirin is a former federal prosecutor in the Southern District of New York.



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