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Msg ID: 2736378 Proof: Trump Planned the Mob’s March to the Capitol +4/-1     
Author:TheCrow
7/21/2022 1:32:37 PM

As if there was any doubt- Trump wanted, planned for chaos in DC. Hoping it would be sufficient to declare a national emergence and assume presidential emergency powers.

That's why the mob turned to the location of the congressmen in approving the ballots. Delay, stop that and Biden isn't inaugarated.

 

THE TRUMP COUP

Proof: Trump Planned the Mob’s March to the Capitol

The January 6th Committee just proved it was deliberate strategy.
by AMANDA CARPENTER 
 
JULY 12, 2022 
Proof: Trump Planned the Mob’s March to the Capitol
(Composite / Photos: GettyImages)
   

Donald Trump’s defenders can finally drop the idea that he just happened to extemporaneously order the mob that he knew was armed to march to the Capitol in the course of his speech on January 6, 2021.

On Tuesday, the House January 6th Committee revealed new evidence that activists coordinating activities for the day were well aware of Trump’s desires in advance. And at least one of them knew that the planning was supposed to be kept secret because of all the trouble it would cause.

Here is the evidence that the committee presented of the deliberate planning:

  • “I will be making a Big Speech at 10AM on January 6th at the Ellipse (South of the White House). Please arrive early, massive crowds expected. March to the Capitol after. Stop the Steal!!” Trump wrote in an undated draft tweet.
  • After speaking with White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows on January 2, Trump campaign aide Katrina Pierson emailed fellow rally organizers: “POTUS expectations are to have something intimate at the ellipse, and call on everyone to march to the capitol.” (You can see this at the 2:43 mark of the hearing.)
  • An email message from rally organizer Kylie Jane Kremer to MyPillow founder Mike Lindell on January 4 said: “It can also not get out about the march because I will be in trouble with the national park service and all the agencies but POTUS is going to just call for it ‘unexpectedly.’”
  • Stop the Steal organizer Ali Alexander texted a conservative journalist on January 5: “Tomorrow: Ellipse then US capitol. Trump is supposed to order us to the capitol at the end of his speech but we will see.”

As all of this suggested he would, Trump then called on his supporters to march to the Capitol during the course of his speech. Several times, in fact. He said:

Now, it is up to Congress to confront this egregious assault on our democracy. And after this, we’re going to walk down, and I’ll be there with you, we’re going to walk down, we’re going to walk down. Anyone you want, but I think right here, we’re going to walk down to the Capitol, and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women, and we’re probably not going to be cheering so much for some of them. Because you’ll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength and you have to be strong. We have come to demand that Congress do the right thing and only count the electors who have been lawfully slated, lawfully slated. I know that everyone here will soon be marching over to the Capitol building to peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard.

Ultimately, Trump did not go to the Capitol himself because, as the evidence provided by the committee previously demonstrated, his Secret Service prohibited him from doing so. According to the prior testimony, this action on the part of the Secret Service resulted in a major conflict between the president and his staff.

Additionally, the committee provided evidence that Steve Bannon also appeared to have knowledge of what was going to happen on January 6.

The committee revealed that Trump spoke to Bannon twice on January 5. The committee played a clip from Bannon’s podcast recorded after he had spoken with the president in their first phone call that morning.

Fresh off his conversation with the president, Bannon told his listeners:

All hell is going to break loose tomorrow It’s all converging. And now we’re on, as they say, the point of attack. Right. The point of attack tomorrow. I’ll tell you this. It’s not going to happen like you think it’s going to happen. It’s going to be quite extraordinarily different. And all I can say is strap in.

“The point of attack tomorrow.”

“It’s not going to happen like you think it’s going to happen.”

“Strap in.”

At every step of the way, they knew what they were doing.


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Msg ID: 2736379 Proof: Trump Planned the Mob’s March to the Capitol +4/-0     
Author:TheCrow
7/21/2022 1:38:18 PM
Reply to: 2736378

This no different than a lynch mob, vigilante justice. Except that a nationally important political figure and at that time a sitting president was attempting to block a peaceful transfer of power resulting from an election that he lost. And he knew he lost, knew he was probably going to lose.

 

Tears, Screaming and Insults: Inside an ‘Unhinged’ Meeting to Keep Trump in Power

Even by the standards of the Trump White House, a meeting on Dec. 18, 2020, that was highlighted Tuesday by the Jan. 6 committee was extreme.

July 12, 2022
 
The meeting lasted for more than six hours, past midnight, and devolved into shouting that could be heard outside the room. Participants hurled insults and nearly came to blows. Some people left in tears.

Even by the standards of the Trump White House, where people screamed at one another and President Donald J. Trump screamed at them, the Dec. 18, 2020, meeting became known as an “unhinged” event — and an inflection point in Mr. Trump’s desperate efforts to remain in power after he had lost the election.

Details of the meeting have been reported before, including by The New York Times and Axios, but at a public hearing on Tuesday of the Jan. 6 committee, participants in the mayhem offered a series of jolting new details of the meeting between Mr. Trump and rival factions of advisers.

 

“It got to the point where the screaming was completely, completely out there,” Eric Herschmann, a White House lawyer, told the committee in videotaped testimony. “I mean, you got people walking in — it was late at night, it had been a long day. And what they were proposing, I thought was nuts.”

 

The proposal, to have the president direct the secretary of defense to seize voting machines to examine for fraud and also to appoint a special counsel to potentially charge people with crimes, had been hatched by three outside advisers: Sidney Powell, a former lawyer for Mr. Trump’s campaign who promoted conspiracy theories about a Venezuelan plot to rig the voting machines; Michael T. Flynn, the national security adviser Mr. Trump fired in his first weeks in office; and Patrick Byrne, the former chief executive of Overstock.com.

On the other side were Pat A. Cipollone, the White House counsel; Mr. Herschmann; and Derek Lyons, the White House staff secretary.

The arguing began soon after Ms. Powell and her two companions were let into the White House by a junior aide and wandered to the Oval Office without an appointment.

They were there alone with Mr. Trump for about 15 minutes before other officials were alerted to their presence. Mr. Cipollone recounted receiving an urgent call from a staff member to get to the Oval Office.

“I opened the door and I walked in. I saw General Flynn,” he said in a videotaped interview the committee played at the hearing on Tuesday. “I saw Sidney Powell sitting there. I was not happy to see the people who were in the Oval Office.”

 

Asked to explain why, Mr. Cipollone said, “First of all, the Overstock person, I’ve never met, I never knew who this guy was.” The first thing he did, Mr. Cipollone said, was say to Mr. Byrne, “Who are you?” “And he told me,” Mr. Cipollone said. “I don’t think any of these people were providing the president with good advice.”

Mr. Lyons and Mr. Herschmann joined the group. “It was not a casual meeting,” Mr. Lyons told the committee in videotaped testimony. “At times, there were people shouting at each other, hurling insults at each other. It wasn’t just sort of people sitting around on a couch like chitchatting.”

 
Sidney Powell’s videotaped testimony, in which she said White House advisers had “contempt and disdain for the president,” was shown during Tuesday’s hearing.Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times
 
Sidney Powell’s videotaped testimony, in which she said White House advisers had “contempt and disdain for the president,” was shown during Tuesday’s hearing.

Ms. Powell, in her videotaped interview, described Mr. Trump as “very interested in hearing” what she and her two cohorts had to say, things that “apparently nobody else had bothered to inform him of.”

Mr. Herschmann said he was flabbergasted by what he was hearing.

“And I was asking, like, are you claiming the Democrats were working with Hugo Chavez, Venezuelans and whomever else? And at one point, General Flynn took out a diagram that supposedly showed IP addresses all over the world and who was communicating with whom via the machines. And some comment about, like, Nest thermostats being hooked up to the internet.”

When the White House officials pointed out to Ms. Powell that she had lost dozens of lawsuits challenging the results of the 2020 election, she replied, “Well, the judges are corrupt.”

 

“I’m like, everyone?” Mr. Herschmann testified. “Every single case that you’ve done in the country that you guys lost? Every one of them is corrupt? Even the ones we appointed?”

 

Ms. Powell testified that Mr. Trump’s White House advisers “showed nothing but contempt and disdain for the president.”

The plan, the White House advisers learned, was for Ms. Powell to become the special counsel. This did not go over well.

“I don’t think Sidney Powell would say that I thought it was a good idea to appoint her special counsel,” Mr. Cipollone testified. “I didn’t think she should be appointed anything.”

Mr. Cipollone also testified that he was alarmed by the insistence of Ms. Powell and the others that there had been election fraud when there was no evidence. “When other people kept suggesting that there was, the answer is, what is it? At some point, you have to put up or shut up. That was my view.”

Mr. Herschmann described a particularly intense moment. “Flynn screamed at me that I was a quitter and everything, kept on standing up and standing around and screaming at me. At a certain point, I had it with him, so I yelled back, ‘Either come over or sit your f-ing ass back down.’”

Cassidy Hutchinson, a top aide to Mark Meadows, the White House chief of staff, could hear the shouting from outside the Oval Office. She texted a deputy chief of staff, Anthony M. Ornato, that the West Wing was “UNHINGED.”

After the meeting had started, Rudolph W. Giuliani, Mr. Trump’s personal lawyer, was called in by the White House advisers to argue against Ms. Powell. Eventually the meeting migrated to the Roosevelt Room and the Cabinet Room, where Mr. Giuliani found himself alone at one point, something he told the committee he found “kind of cool.”

 

Finally, the group ended up in the White House residence.

Ms. Powell believed that she had been appointed special counsel, something that Mr. Trump declared he wanted, including that she should have a security clearance, which other aides opposed. She testified that others said that even if that happened, they would ignore her. She said she would have “fired” them on the spot for such insubordination.

Mr. Trump, she said, told her something to the effect of: “You see what I deal with? I deal with this all the time.”

Eventually Mr. Trump backed down and rejected the outside advisers’ proposal. But early the next morning, Dec. 19, he posted to Twitter urging his supporters to arrive at the Capitol on Jan. 6, the day that a joint session of Congress was set to certify the Electoral College results.

“Be there, will be wild!” he wrote.


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Msg ID: 2736386 What we know about Trump’s inaction during the 187 minutes of January 6  +4/-0     
Author:TheCrow
7/21/2022 3:24:41 PM
Reply to: 2736378

What we know about Trump’s inaction during the 187 minutes of January 6

 

'You had a president who went AWOL': Conway previews January 6 hearing

CNN

By Jeremy Herb and Marshall Cohen, CNN

The House January 6 committee’s final prime-time hearing Thursday is all about 187 minutes.

That’s the period of a little more than three hours as the riot unfolded in the US Capitol that the House select committee has argued then-President Donald Trump was derelict in his duties. The committee says it plans to show, minute-by-minute, how Trump failed to make any effort to tell the rioters to leave the Capitol or to try to help lawmakers — and then-Vice President Mike Pence — as they were forced to flee the House and Senate chambers.

In the previous hearings, the committee has sought to tie Trump to the violence at the Capitol, showing how he was warned by his aides that his claims the election was stolen were baseless and that there was a risk of violence on January 6, 2021. The committee’s final hearing in this series will attempt to illustrate how the former President “refused to act to defend the Capitol as a violent mob stormed the Capitol,” according to committee aides.

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Like past hearings, the committee is likely to rely on witness testimony of those who were around Trump on January 6 or nearby in the West Wing, in order to tell the narrative of what happened through the words of Trump’s inner circle.

The committee has spoken with numerous individuals around Trump on January 6 — including Trump’s daughter Ivanka Trump, former Pence national security adviser retired Gen. Keith Kellogg, former Trump press secretary Kayleigh McEnany and former Trump White House Counsel Pat Cipollone.

Two witnesses are slated to testify in person on Thursday, and both resigned in the immediate aftermath of the January 6 attack: Former Trump deputy national security adviser Matthew Pottinger and former Trump deputy press secretary Sarah Matthews.

Trump’s former chief of staff, Mark Meadows, has not testified before the committee — the House voted to hold him in contempt of Congress for defying a subpoena. But Meadows selectively turned over more than 2,300 text messages to the panel, which CNN obtained, and the texts provide key insights into the frantic messages the chief of staff was receiving from Republican allies in Congress and even Trump’s son urging the President to act.

Here are some key questions and answers about the 187 minutes of January 6 ahead of the final hearing:

 

When do the 187 minutes begin and end?

 

The 187 minutes began at 1:10 p.m. ET on January 6, 2021, as Trump was wrapping up his speech at the Ellipse. This is when he told his supporters to march to the Capitol, so they could pressure lawmakers to overturn the election while they met for a joint session of Congress to formally certify President Joe Biden‘s victory.

“So, we’re going to walk down Pennsylvania Avenue … and we’re going to the Capitol,” Trump said. “We’re going to try and give our Republicans — the weak ones, because the strong ones don’t need any of our help — we’re going to try and give them the kind of pride and boldness that they need to take back our country. So, let’s walk down Pennsylvania Avenue.”

Exactly 187 minutes later, at 4:17 p.m. ET, Trump posted a video on Twitter. In the clip, he said for the first time that his supporters should leave the Capitol. He also heaped praise on the rioters and repeated his debunked lies about the election, which had spurred the riot in the first place.

“I know your pain. I know you’re hurt,” Trump said at the time. “We had an election that was stolen from us. It was a landslide election, and everyone knows it, especially the other side, but you have to go home now. We have to have peace. We have to have law and order. We have to respect our great people in law and order. We don’t want anybody hurt. It’s a very tough period of time.”

 

Why do the 187 minutes matter to the committee?

 

This timeframe is central to the committee’s mission. Republican Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming, the committee’s GOP vice chair, has repeatedly said that the evidence obtained by the panel about these 187 minutes provides a clear example of Trump’s “supreme dereliction of duty” throughout the insurrection.

The panel’s Democratic chairman, Rep. Bennie Thompson of Mississippi, said earlier this year, “The President was told, ‘You need to say directly to your people to go home, leave the Capitol.’ And so, it took over 187 minutes to make that simple statement. Something’s wrong with that.”

Thursday’s hearing will be led by Rep. Elaine Luria, a Virginia Democrat, and Rep. Adam Kinzinger, an Illinois Republican. Luria said on CNN’s “State of the Union” Sunday that the hearing would “go through pretty much minute-by-minute” of what went on during the 187 minutes of the Capitol insurrection.

“The President didn’t do much but gleefully watch television during this time frame,” Kinzinger said on CBS’ “Face the Nation” on Sunday.

 

What do we already know about the 187 minutes?

 

After leaving the stage at the Ellipse, Trump got into his motorcade and angrily tried to convince his drivers to take him to the Capitol, according to testimony from Trump White House aide Cassidy Hutchinson. The agents refused, telling him that the scene was too dangerous and unstable.

Trump then watched TV news coverage of the chaos unfolding at the Capitol, according to a book by Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Robert Costa, and according to then-White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham, who said Trump was “gleefully” watching the news.

White House Counsel Pat Cipollone told Trump’s chief of staff that Trump needed to intervene, or else “people are going to die,” according to Hutchinson’s testimony. Meadows responded by telling Cipollone that Trump “doesn’t want to do anything” and that he even agreed with the rioters who were seen chanting about hanging Vice President Mike Pence.

Trump posted three tweets during this critical timeframe. The first tweet criticized Pence for refusing to overturn the election. The second and third tweets told the rioters to “stay peaceful” and to “respect the law” — but notably Trump did not instruct his supporters to leave the Capitol.

He also spoke by phone with House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, a California Republican who pleaded with Trump to call off the mob. But during the call, Trump took the rioters’ side and said they cared about the election more than McCarthy did, according to previous reporting.

During the 187 minutes, a wide array of Republican lawmakers, former Trump officials and conservative media personalities texted Meadows, saying Trump needed to intervene, CNN has previously reported. This included Donald Trump Jr., Fox hosts Sean Hannity and Laura Ingraham, former Trump administration officials Mick Mulvaney and Reince Priebus, and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Georgia Republican.

 

Who was with Trump and what have they said about it?

 

The committee has taken video depositions from multiple people who were with Trump on January 6 and is likely to use those interviews to try to explain what the President was doing when rioters breached the Capitol.

In addition to Ivanka Trump, Kellogg, Cipollone and McEnany, the committee has played clips at previous hearings of video depositions from a long list of White House aides, including former Trump personal assistant Nick Luna, former White House staff secretary Derek Lyons, former Trump White House lawyer Eric Herschmann, former Ivanka Trump chief of staff Julie Radford and former Meadows deputy Ben Williamson.

The testimony from many of those inside the White House are likely to be played in order to help tell the story of what Trump was doing during the afternoon of January 6.

The committee has previously played clips from both Pottinger and Matthews, the two in-person witnesses Thursday, reacting to Trump’s tweet attacking Pence.

“I remember us saying that that was the last thing that needed to be tweeted at that moment,” Matthews said in a clip from her video deposition. “The situation was already bad. And so it felt like he was pouring gasoline on the fire by tweeting that.”

Pottinger told the panel that Trump’s tweet was what prompted him to resign. “I read that tweet and made a decision at that moment to resign,” he said in his video deposition. “That’s where I knew that I was leaving that day once I read that tweet.”

At the end of the committee’s last hearing, Cheney previewed what the committee had planned for its upcoming session by playing a clip from Cipollone deposition, which the committee had just taken days beforehand.

“Was it necessary for you to continue to push for a statement directing people to leave all the way through that period of time until it was ultimately achieved?” Cipollone was asked in the video deposition.

“I felt it was my obligation to continue to push for that and others felt it was their obligation as well,” the former White House counsel responded.

The committee’s testimony — along with reporting from CNN, other news organizations and several books about the Trump presidency — have filled in key details about what was going on inside the West Wing. Kellogg told the committee, for instance, about how he encouraged Ivanka Trump to speak with her father on January 6 to act, and that she did so multiple times that day, according to committee documents.

The committee has also spoken to numerous West Wing officials who didn’t see Trump directly as the violence was unfolding but were reacting to what was happening on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue.

Williamson, Meadows’ top aide, told the committee how he texted Meadows encouraging Trump to tweet because things were “getting a little hairy” at the Capitol. Williamson told the panel that he went to speak to Meadows in person, and the White House chief then went toward the Oval Office, according to court filings.

 

What are the big unanswered questions?

 

While lots of details about Trump’s response on January 6 are already known, there are still lingering questions about what the former President was doing on January 6.

For instance, Trump spoke with at least two Republican lawmakers during the early stages of the insurrection: McCarthy and Alabama Sen. Tommy Tuberville.

While there has been previous reporting about McCarthy’s heated phone call, including that Trump told him that the rioters were “more upset about the election than you are,” McCarthy has not spoken at length about the conversation. The committee issued a subpoena to McCarthy and four other lawmakers in an unprecedented move earlier this year, though McCarthy has not agreed to testify or hand over documents.

Questions also remain about who else Trump spoke with by phone on January 6 during the period when the Capitol was breached. There are gaps in the White House call logs on January 6, providing incomplete public accounting of the conversations Trump had that day.

Another key question the committee is likely to dive into is how it was Pence — and not Trump — who ordered the National Guard to respond to the riot. At a hearing last month, the committee played testimony from Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Gen. Mark Milley saying it was Pence who gave him “very direct, unambiguous orders” to get the Guard to the Capitol.

But Milley testified that Meadows told him to say that it was Trump, not Pence, who gave the order. “He said: We have to kill the narrative that the Vice President is making all the decisions,” Milley said in his video deposition about what Meadows told him. “We need to establish the narrative, you know, that the President is still in charge and that things are steady or stable, or words to that effect.”

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Msg ID: 2736387 Trump’s Inexcusable Jan. 6th “Dereliction of Duty” He failed to fulfill to  +4/-0     
Author:TheCrow
7/21/2022 3:25:26 PM
Reply to: 2736378

Trump knew there was a violent mob attack on the Capital and did nothing for hours.

Trump’s Inexcusable Jan. 6th “Dereliction of Duty”

He failed to fulfill to the responsibilities of his office.
by EUGENE R. FIDELL AND DENNIS AFTERGUT 
 
JULY 20, 2022 5:30 AM
Trump’s Inexcusable Jan. 6th “Dereliction of Duty”
US President Donald Trump speaks to supporters from The Ellipse near the White House on January 6, 2021, in Washington, DC. (Photo by MANDEL NGAN / AFP) (Photo by MANDEL NGAN/AFP via Getty Images)
   

Over the past several weeks, as more facts have emerged about former President Donald Trump’s actions and inaction on January 6, 2021, commentators have repeatedly referred to his “dereliction of duty.” A spokesman for the House January 6th Committee told reporters earlier this month that the committee had collected testimony about Trump’s “supreme dereliction of duty”; the committee’s vice chair, Rep. Liz Cheney, has often used the phrase “dereliction of duty” to describe Trump’s actions on that day; and other members of the committee are describing the hearing planned for this week as one that will focus on Trump’s “dereliction of duty.”

“Dereliction of duty” is a serious accusation, and based on what has already emerged in the committee’s hearings, one that fits. Without even getting into what Trump did before Jan. 6th, it is beyond question that he was aware in real time of the violence at the Capitol, that he could have given orders to quell the disorder, that he did nothing for hours on end to call off the mob he had helped to summon, and that he had only kind things to say to his violent supporters. Given every American president’s constitutional obligation to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed,” there is no escaping the fact that Trump was derelict.

Dereliction of duty is recognized as a crime in some state laws, such as an Ohio statute governing law enforcement personnel, but no general federal law makes it a crime. There is, however, a robust body of dereliction of duty law in the armed forces. Since the president is commander in chief, there is some justice in invoking the concept, even though Trump was never subject to military law, either before or during his time in office.

The Manual for Courts-Martial sets forth the elements of the offense of “dereliction in the performance of duties.” The first three apply across the board:

(a) that the accused had certain duties;
(b) that the accused knew or reasonably should have known of the duties; and
(c) that the accused, willfully or through neglect or culpable inefficiency, failed to perform those duties.

A fourth element applies where the dereliction of duty resulted in death or grievous bodily harm:

(d) that such dereliction of duty resulted in death or grievous bodily harm to a person other than the accused.

The manual elaborates:

A person is derelict in the performance of duties when that person willfully or negligently fails to perform that person’s duties or when that person performs them in a culpably inefficient manner. “Willfully” means intentionally. It refers to the doing of an act knowingly and purposely, specifically intending the natural and probable consequences of the act. “Negligently” means an act or omission of a person who is under a duty to use due care which exhibits a lack of that degree of care which a reasonably prudent person would have exercised under the same or similar circumstances. Culpable inefficiency is inefficiency for which there is no reasonable or just excuse.

The manual also provides that “where the dereliction of duty resulted in death or grievous bodily harm, the intent to cause death or grievous bodily harm is not required.”

Dereliction can be a serious offense in the armed forces. The maximum punishment turns on whether the conduct was willful, negligent, or the result of culpable inefficiency. Importantly, for willful dereliction that results in death or grievous bodily harm, confinement for up to two years is authorized. Had Trump been subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, there would be no question that his actions and failures to act on Jan. 6th rose to the level of willful dereliction. And there were fatalities and grievous bodily injuries at the Capitol that day.

Setting aside technical definitions of dereliction of duty, even its broader, colloquial sense—someone’s failure to perform an action it was his responsibility to perform—is now no longer the main point. It could have formed the basis for an impeachment, but Trump is no longer subject to impeachment. Indeed, he escaped his last impeachment, coming as it did so close to the end of his term, in part because some thought his misconduct could be adjudicated in criminal and civil proceedings. (“President Trump is still liable for everything he did while he was in office,” Mitch McConnell said. “We have a criminal justice system in this country. We have civil litigation.”)

Even so, reference to dereliction of duty in connection with Jan. 6th is quite understandable. It contributes to our understanding of just how grave a betrayal Donald Trump’s behavior represented. It may go to his intent, and it would certainly be taken into account on sentencing in the event he is criminally charged in connection with the assault on the Capitol. Particularly as the Jan. 6th Committee trains its sights this week on his conduct during that assault, it is worth keeping in mind, if only for contextual reasons as the Department of Justice, state prosecutors in Georgia and perhaps elsewhere, and Americans generally, make the critical decision whether he should face criminal charges.

Eugene R. Fidell and Dennis Aftergut

Eugene R. Fidell is of counsel at the Washington, D.C. firm Feldesman Tucker Leifer Fidell LLP, and an adjunct professor at Yale Law School and NYU Law School. Dennis Aftergut, a former assistant U.S. attorney and former Supreme Court advocate, is currently of counsel to Lawyers Defending American Democracy.


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