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Msg ID: 2764007 The Chinese Spy Balloon U.S. Tour! +2/-2     
Author:Old Guy
2/3/2023 3:38:25 PM

Letting this happen i. Stupid!   How brain dead is Biden?

one more example of incompetent leadership.

what do you think our Allie's or even our foe's think of us now?

Note:  As I type this DOW is down 153.97.  What a excellent president, NOT!



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Msg ID: 2764015 The Chinese Spy Balloon U.S. Tour! +3/-0     
Author:TheCrow
2/3/2023 3:52:27 PM

Reply to: 2764007

Letting this happen i. Stupid!   How brain dead is Biden?

one more example of incompetent leadership.

what do you think our Allie's or even our foe's think of us now?

Probably more comfortable with the Biden administration than with Trump announcing isolationism, denouncing NATO.

 

Note:  As I type this DOW is down 153.97.  What a excellent president, NOT!

And as I type this, the DJIA is down 76.274, that's -0.0025% for the day, so far and 2.38% YTD. You gonna cut your belly on the next contraction? Or just whine about it, ignoring Trump's disastrous 2020?



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Msg ID: 2764025 Please, Use your brain. +2/-2     
Author:Old Guy
2/3/2023 4:09:09 PM

Reply to: 2764015

That ballon has been known about for a long time.  It was picked up by NORAD as it moved across the ocean.  Only reported to the public, when some Montana hunters saw it. It is a spy ballon, sending back who knows what information.  Not a weather ballon, no reason to be that high.  Plain and simple, they entered our airspace, it is a huge embarrassment to our military, it is up there spying on us.  And Biden let it!

Note:  Do not quote about the market, if you do not know what you are posting about, at least use current information.  The DOW was down when I posted and went down more until it closed.



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Msg ID: 2764017 Russia's war in Ukraine backfired by uniting NATO, even as cracks emerged o +3/-0     
Author:TheCrow
2/3/2023 3:56:31 PM

Reply to: 2764007

Russia's war in Ukraine backfired by uniting NATO, even as cracks emerged over nearly a year of fighting

 
 
Soldiers of the 59th Motorized Brigade of the Ukrainian army on the frontline, in Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine on January 28, 2023.
Soldiers of the 59th Motorized Brigade of the Ukrainian army on the frontline, in Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine on January 28, 2023. Photo by Mustafa Ciftci/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images
  • When Putin invaded Ukraine, he miscalculated the response from Western countries. 
  • NATO has been largely united in its response to Russia's war, consistently providing Kyiv with military aid. 
  • But some cracks have also emerged within the alliance.

The Ukraine war has brought NATO together in a way not seen in a long time, but it's also exposed cracks within the alliance as well. 

NATO has, of course, had its problems in the past. A few years before Russia invaded Ukraine, for instance, French President Emmanuel Macron sharply criticized NATO, arguing the 63-year-old military alliance was experiencing "brain death" amid instability triggered by then-President Donald Trump.

But over the past 11 months since Russia launched its unprovoked assault on its neighbor, the alliance has largely shown itself to be strong, influential, and unified. NATO countries have provided billions of dollars in security assistance that has helped Ukraine defend itself, and the alliance even appears to be on the verge of expanding, one of Moscow's worst fears.

"A very unexpected consequence of this war has been the resurrection of NATO. My president was saying two years ago that NATO is brain dead. I think he was right at the time. It's not anymore the case, especially when you see that countries like Finland and Sweden, which were not members during the Cold War, have requested to join NATO," Gérard Araud, the former French ambassador to the US and the United Nations, told Insider.

 

Russian President Vladimir Putin has effectively succeeded in remaking the Western bloc, Araud said, adding that "the Western alliance is back." Things are far from perfect in NATO though, but they don't necessarily have to be for the alliance to do what it needs to do.

'Everything changed when Russia invaded Ukraine'

Throughout the Cold War, Finland and Sweden remained militarily non-aligned even as their Western neighbors were locked in a battle for ideological, technological, and military supremacy with the Soviet Union. After the Soviet Union collapsed, both Finland and Sweden became NATO partner countries but stopped short of pursuing full membership. Russia's invasion of Ukraine prompted a cataclysmic shift in thinking about European security, pushing Helsinki and Stockholm to abandon their historically neutral positions and apply for NATO membership. 

"Everything changed when Russia invaded Ukraine," Finnish Prime Minister Sanna Marin said last April.

NATO Finland Sweden meeting
NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, center, looks on as Finnish Minister for Foreign Affairs Pekka Haavisto, left, and Swedish Foreign Minister Ann Linde bump fists after a press conference at NATO headquarters in Brussels, January 24, 2022. JOHN THYS/AFP via Getty Images

Finland shares an 830-mile border with Russia, and both countries would bolster the alliance with significant military capabilities. The vast majority of NATO countries have expressed enthusiasm for adding Sweden and Finland to the alliance, but enlarging the alliance requires approval from all current members and Turkey is standing in the way. 

 

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has accused the Nordic countries, particularly Sweden, of harboring Kurdish militants that Ankara considers terrorists and has urged them to crack down on these groups and speed up extraditions of suspected militants. In June, the three countries came to an agreement that appeared to alleviate Ankara's concerns.

But Erdogan has since continued to criticize both countries and demand more extraditions and expressed outrage over recent protests in Stockholm involving pro-Kurdish groups and Rasmus Paludan, a far-right, anti-Islam activist from Denmark. Turkey has ripped into Sweden for allowing the demonstrations, particularly given Paludan burned a copy of the Quran outside of the Turkish embassy. Swedish Foreign Minister Tobias Billstrom in a tweet condemned the Quran burning as "Islamophobic" and "appalling."

Sweden and Finland's NATO bids have been left up in the air. Turkey has indefinitely postponed talks with Finland and Sweden on their NATO membership bids that were set to be held in Brussels next month. Turkey's top diplomat, Mevlut Cavusoglu, said on Thursday that any dialogue at the moment would be "meaningless."

Some experts have suggested that Erdogan has moved to derail Finland and Sweden's NATO bids to distract voters from domestic issues, including major economic woes, ahead of Turkish presidential and legislative elections in May.

 
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan at NATO
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan at NATO headquarters in Brussels, May 25, 2017. Kay Nietfeld/picture alliance via Getty Images

Erdogan, widely viewed as an autocrat, has frequently clashed with Western countries and NATO allies on an array of issues — especially over their support for the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in the fight against ISIS. In recent months, Erdogan has even made threats of war toward Greece, a fellow NATO ally. The Turkish leader has also faced criticism for his relatively amicable ties to Putin, and Turkey has not joined in on Western sanctions against Moscow over the Ukraine invasion.

Although Turkey has caused headaches for NATO, there's still widespread agreement that it's a vital member of the alliance.

"At some point soon, some NATO members are going to begin asking, 'If it is a choice between Sweden/Finland and Turkey, maybe we should look at our options.' That would be a mistake. Turkey boasts the second-largest army in NATO, has important facilities including Incirlik Air Base, and hosts NATO's overall land-warfare command in Izmir," former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Admiral James Stavridis wrote in a recent op-ed for Bloomberg. 

Meanwhile, Hungary's opposition to sanctions against Moscow and refusal to back the supply of weapons to Kyiv — on top of democratic backsliding under Viktor Orban — has also caused headaches for NATO. 

 

'There's always differences — fractures'

Beyond the troubles with Turkey, tensions recently emerged over Germany's sluggishness on sending much-sought-after Leopard 2 tanks to Ukraine. Berlin initially appeared reluctant to authorize the transfer of the German-made main battle tank to Kyiv, or even allow other countries to do so.

Growing impatient and recognizing Ukraine's pressing need for heavy modern tanks, scores of European officials began pushing Germany to green light the transfer, with Poland's top diplomat saying the "price of hesitation" is paid for in "Ukrainian blood." Warsaw even indicated at one point that it might go rogue and take matters into its own hands if Berlin didn't take action.

An M1A2 Abrams main battle tank from the Minnesota National Guard races through a breach in a barbed wire obstacle during the 116th eXportable Combat Training Exercise at the Orchard Combat Training Center, Idaho
An M1A2 Abrams main battle tank from the Minnesota National Guard races through a breach in a barbed wire obstacle during the 116th eXportable Combat Training Exercise at the Orchard Combat Training Center, Idaho. US Army photo

Germany finally gave the go-ahead on sending its tanks to Ukraine last week, a move that came in tandem with the Biden administration announcing it would send the formidable M1 Abrams tank to Kyiv.   

"There's always differences — fractures that just come with being from different parts of Europe," Jim Townsend, the former deputy assistant secretary of defense for European and NATO Policy, told Insider. 

 

"When they all sit down at a summit or somewhere like that, they're not breaking into fractions, and nations are leaving, and there's a food fight going on. They seem to work it out," Townsend said. "NATO functions by consensus. And so far, even with consensus being  pretty strict, NATO has been able to take actions despite various countries individually having their own national view on what should be done and what should not be done." 

Differences within NATO are nothing new and the disagreements of today really come down to how far NATO should go in standing up to the Kremlin's war in Ukraine, John Herbst, a former US ambassador to Ukraine and Uzbekistan, told Insider.

A view of the "Grad" artillery battery as it fires, in Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine on January 29, 2023.
A view of the "Grad" artillery battery as it fires, in Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine on January 29, 2023. Photo by Mustafa Ciftci/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

But even the hesitancy of some countries — like Germany and the US over the tank question — has been overcome by Russian atrocities in Ukraine, he noted. This is bolstered by strong urging from member countries in eastern Europe, in close proximity to Russia, and by hopeful future allies like Finland and Sweden.   

"If anything, we've seen greater NATO unity as this has gone along," Herbst said. "The alliance has moved in the right direction on sending support to Ukraine," including the recent authorization to send Leopard and Abrams tanks.

 

Western Europe has realized 'Putin was, in fact, a menace'

Townsend said he is not surprised that NATO's unity has prevailed since the start of Russia's invasion nearly a year ago. Even under the intense pressure of war, the alliance is "holding the way that they have in the past," he said. NATO's foundation relies on its members having shared values when it comes to European and trans-Atlantic security, allowing it to operate effectively while ensuring the different viewpoints are part of the dialogue, he added.

Beyond NATO, this notion of unity can be observed within the European Union, too. The 27-nation bloc has been able to come together and provide both monetary and security assistance to Ukraine, while also braving the energy crisis that has plagued the continent. It has even accepted Ukraine as a candidate country, a historic move prompted by Russia's invasion that was seemingly off the table as recently as 2021. 

Ukrainian soldiers shelter in the woods along a road outside of the strategic city of Bakhmut on January 18, 2023 in Bakhmut, Ukraine.
Ukrainian soldiers shelter in the woods along a road outside of the strategic city of Bakhmut on January 18, 2023 in Bakhmut, Ukraine. Spencer Platt/Getty Images

Should this war go on for several more years, it's possible that NATO unity could be tested and undermined, Herbst said. For this reason, he believes the military alliance should be sending plenty of advanced weapons systems to make sure Ukraine expels Russia from all the occupied territory and make it difficult for Putin to retain the annexed Crimean peninsula. 

It was only a few years before the Ukraine war that Macron delivered his "brain death" comment, and there were fears that Trump would try to pull the US from NATO if he won the 2020 presidential election. Former senior national security officials in the Trump administration even said at the time that such a move would be cheered on by Putin.  

 

Herbst said he believes there's a greater recognition in Europe now that Putin's Russia is a "threat to our interests." Although this should have been noticeable years ago, he said, it took the invasion of Ukraine to "help persuade at least significant swaths of Western Europe that Putin was, in fact, a menace."



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Msg ID: 2764019 And before you argue that Putin's imperialism was suppressed by the Trump a +3/-0     
Author:TheCrow
2/3/2023 3:59:39 PM

Reply to: 2764007

And before you argue that Putin's imperialism was suppressed by the Trump administration, consider that Putin was getting all he wanted from Trump without a military adventure:

Opinion | Why Didn’t Putin Invade Under Trump? It Wasn’t Personal.

Trump wanted to be friends with Putin. But it was his policies, not his friendship, that mattered.

President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin arrive   July 16, 2018 in Helsinki, Finland.
 

Now that Russian President Vladimir Putin has launched a ground war against Ukraine that he apparently has been planning for years, many have wondered why he waited until now. After all, the four years of Donald Trump’s presidency were an ebb tide of American power and influence, and Trump himself frequently went out of his way not to antagonize the Russian leader.

Wouldn’t it have been easier for Putin to invade Ukraine when Trump was president? The United States had abdicated its traditional leadership role in global alliances and left much of the rest of the world open to expanded Chinese and Russian influence. Plus, NATO had already expanded eastward to Russia’s borders, and the Kremlin already controlled Crimea and had proxies in the Donbas.

 

Some American politicians and commentators on the political right have tried to answer the question by comparing the purported strength or weakness of President Joe Biden with that of Trump, alleging that Putin saw Trump as stronger than Biden, even though Putin’s own description of Trump suggested the opposite. But beyond personality, there’s a far more likely and logical explanation if you look at policy alignment between Russia and America during the two administrations: With Trump in office, Putin was already getting what he wanted. The election changed all that.

 

Consider where Trump and Biden stand on three key issue areas the Kremlin cares deeply about: NATO, political leadership in Ukraine and undermining democracy. Under Trump, there was little daylight between Russia and the United States on these issues.

Even as Trump’s vocal criticisms may have inadvertently strengthened the alliance, Trump worked to diminish the influence of NATO, reportedly planning to withdraw from it in his second term. As a candidate, Trump had even remarked that, “Maybe NATO will dissolve, and that’s OK, that’s not the worst thing in the world.”

Trump also broke with longstanding bipartisan support of Ukraine. During the Trump administration’s first year, Volodymyr Zelenskyy was still a showman whose comedy troupe performed patriotic musical numbers with lyrics like “There’s fog over Brussels and frost in Washington” and used a MeToo leitmotif comparing Ukraine’s treatment by Russia and the West to a sexual assault. When Zelenskyy beat an incumbent president in a landslide, Trump actually withheld military aid to Ukraine, sending personal emissaries to Kyiv to try to pressure and undermine Zelenskyy in the eyes of Ukrainians by asking him to “do us a favor, though.”

And both while in office and since leaving it, Trump worked tirelessly to cast doubt on the legitimacy of American elections, going to great yet unsuccessful lengths to find evidence of fraud in the 2020 presidential contest. Trump makes assertions about American elections that echo the Kremlin’s, even reciting a trope about voting by “dead souls” that comes from 19th century Russian literature. At rallies Trump repeats the same claims he made the day of the January 6 attack on the Capitol: “You don’t concede when there’s theft involved.”

The truth is that during his administration, Trump’s policy alignment with Putin advanced the aims of Russia’s political elites, who could imagine that the United States was on their side. Their comfort with Trump was evident from the start; Americans may remember that Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov was warmly received in the White House and photographed in the Oval Office, while Russian parliament members toasted Trump’s electoral victory in 2016.

 

This comfort evaporated with the election of Biden. And for good reason: from the start, the Biden administration has been at odds with Putin on the issues Putin needs to care about to preserve his own rule. After Biden’s election, Russian political elites once again articulated profound, existential anxieties about a renewed United States projecting its power abroad. State television in Russia emphasized the Kremlin will not allow American influence in Ukraine, “regardless of the cost to us, and regardless of the cost to those responsible for it.”

The Biden White House has taken positions opposite those of the Trump administration on NATO. Biden has insisted on principles of state sovereignty, reaffirming and rebuilding the United States’ trans-Atlantic relationships, including strengthening NATO.

Biden took meaningful steps to support Ukraine in defending itself. Far from undermining Ukraine’s democratically elected government, the Biden administration has tried to create roadblocks for the Kremlin by getting inside Putin’s decision cycle, declassifying and broadcasting intelligence about Russia’s plans to attack Ukraine. Biden exhausted diplomatic channels trying to come to a peaceful resolution and worked with allies to prepare a sanctions package in advance of a Russian invasion.

And Biden has worked to protect democracy. Unlike Trump, rather than questioning the integrity of contests his party lost, Biden has spoken forcefully about the close legal scrutiny and fairness of all the 2020 elections. And he has supported congressional efforts to protect the franchise in the United States.

In Trump, Putin had a fellow-traveler. Far from ensuring world peace, the Trump years instead offered Putin a useful pause he utilized to further military readiness and prime the Russian population for a hot war. Earlier this month, the Russian state adopted new standards for mass graves — not because of the coronavirus pandemic in Russia, but for situations that involve “urban destruction.”

This war is unfolding on Ukrainian territory, but the war is not only against Ukraine: much of Russia’s political leadership has come to see itself as at war with the Western world. In 2018, Kremlin mouthpiece Dmitry Kiselyov suggested on national television that Russia could reduce the United States to a “pile of radioactive ash.” The same year, describing the poisoning of Sergei Skripal in the U.K. as “only the beginning,” Russian military analyst Pavel Felgenhauer warned that Russia was preparing for broad action against the West to create panic and paralyze Western countries, including a long-planned “special period” of political destabilization and violence in the West once war had begun and diplomats had been recalled.

Far from deterring Putin, Trump did the opposite. Thanks to Trump, Putin was able to take advantage of a period of apparent detente during which Trump actually pursued Putin’s own policies of weakening NATO and democracy and destabilizing the West — leaving Putin free to prepare his war against the free people of Ukraine and their democratically elected government.



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Msg ID: 2764106 Watching you post is like watching the book of ignorance being written +2/-1     
Author:bladeslap
2/4/2023 4:47:22 AM

Reply to: 2764007

You couldn't be any more ignorant if you even tried

Dow is up how much in the last month?

the only stupid person here is you thinking you actual understand all the variables behind decisions that go into military operations.. but, this is typical for you and par for the course, A very low information person ... precisely why you like Trump., He thought he knew more than all the generals ... you're no different 



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